“Recycle More” Initiative: Ineffective at Changing Boston Residents’ Recycling Habits - Samantha Feld
“Recycle More” Initiative:
Ineffective at Changing Boston Residents’
Recycling Habits
INTRODUCTION
Waste
generated by individuals and communities has substantial consequences to the
public health, though residential recycling is a system that can mitigate these
consequences and reduce health effects at the population level. According to
the United States Environmental Protection Agency, in 2010, Americans generated
250 million tons of trash—more than any other nation -- and recycled 34.1% of
this material (1). Individually, the typical American generates 4.43 pounds of
trash per person per day, and recycles or composts just 1.51 pounds of this
trash (2). Recycling alone will not solve our climate change and environmental
health problems. However, recycling saves energy and reduces pollution and
greenhouse gas emissions contributing to global climate change by reducing the
need to collect new raw materials to produce and distribute additional goods
(3). Diverting trash for recycling also reduces that amount of hazardous
emissions produced from the waste incineration process, as well as the methane
gas produced and emitted from modern landfills (4).
Boston’s residential curbside
recycling rate stands at 13%, lagging behind most other Massachusetts municipalities,
and many large urban cities across the country (5). Changing individuals’
behaviors to encourage recycling has proved to be a significant challenge. In
2009, following the success of a two-year pilot program, Mayor Thomas Menino
and the city of Boston rolled out a single-stream recycling program, where
residents can discard all recyclable materials in one 64 gallon city-provided blue
bin without having to separate the items out first. The goal of the
single-stream recycling program is to increase the number of households who
recycle, and in turn reduce costs for the city (6). As part of the distribution
of the blue receptacles, mayor Menino launched the “Recycle More” campaign in
order to encourage residents to do just that. The “Recycle More” campaign,
launched in 2009 and still in effect today, is comprised of PSAs, informational
pamphlets, press releases, and advertisements intended to change Bostonians’
waste habits and promote recycling.
FAILURE OF THE HEALTH BELIEF MODEL
Boston’s “Recycle More” program and
approach to residential recycling is inherently flawed as it fails to take into
account relevant social and behavioral theories. The “Recycle More” program is
intended to change behavior on a very individual level. Under the program, each
apartment building or home receives a blue bin in which they may discard all of
their recyclable items, in conjunction with pamphlets and written information
about how, when, when and where to recycle. The program relies on the classic
Health Belief Model (HBM), under which people take action after weighing the
benefits of a perceived action with the perceived costs. According to this
model, an individual will recycle if he or she thinks the negative impacts of
failing to recycle (ie global climate change and environmental degradation)
will affect him or her and the potential consequences will be severe should
they manifest, relative to the barriers or costs that would limit him or her
from recycling. In the context of the Health Belief Model, the purpose of the
“Recycle More” campaign is to limit the cost or barriers to an individual’s
ability to recycle by providing the single-stream bins free of cost, while also
providing educational materials to residents discussing the importance of recycling
to increase the perceived benefit.
The Health Belief Model is not an
effective method by which to base a city-wide recycling campaign. While implementing
a single-stream system may make it physically easier for Boston residents to recycle,
this intervention has failed in changing behavior on a mass scale. While
recycling rates having increased among residents in Boston over the past five
years, three years after the “Recycle More” campaign was launched, still less
than one in five discarded items is recycled (7). The Health Belief Model
assumes that once an individual intends to act, he or she will. It does not
take into account any of the cultural, sociopolitical or economic conditions
that might impact an individual’s decision to take action (8). If the Health
Belief Model could account for why people do or do not recycle, once barriers
are reduced (ie through the distribution of bins), then we should see a
drastically greater rate of compliance. There is clearly more at play that
impacts an individuals’ decision to recycle that the Health Belief Model has
not accounted for.
VIOLATES THE MARKETING PARADIGM
Boston’s “Recycle More” program relies
primarily on the distribution of the 64 gallon bins to collect recyclable
materials, in the hopes that by providing a simplified system and additional
knowledge on the process, behavior will change. What the campaign lacks
altogether is a strong marketing plan that will appeal to the needs and wants
of Boston residents. The traditional method used by the Boston Waste Reduction
Division, which implements the city’s recycling program, has been to appeal to
city residents to recycle more in order to “make our streets cleaners and city
greener,” in the words of mayor Menino. When the mayor unveiled the “Recycle
More” initiative in 2009, Jim Hunt, the chief of the mayor’s Environmental and
Energy stated: “one of the simplest things we can do in our daily lives to
advance our goal to create a greener city is to recycle” (9). Hunt and Menino
are appealing to residents to change their behavior for the greater goal of
“improving the environment.” The central issue with this approach is that the
city is attempting to “sell” Bostonians on the idea of working towards a
“greener”, healthier, more sustainable city for the sake of environmental
sustainability. With this approach, city officials and public health
practitioners are making the assumption that the desire for a greener,
healthier city is strong desire among residents, and that it is a need that is
strong enough to compel people to change their daily actions in order to
achieve it. However, are we certain that a widespread desire among Bostonians
for a green, healthy city really is that strong?
The “Recycle More” initiative
violates the basic marketing principles, contributing to the failure of the
program to change behavior on a large scale. Rather than starting out by
examining what it is that Boston residents really want and desire, and then
developing a campaign that can seemingly fulfill those needs and wants,
“Recycle More” is based on an intuition that everyone will naturally hold
environmental sustainability as a strong core value. If sustainability and
environmental health is not such a strong value as the city assumes, action on
a large scale will not follow.
In addition to failing to capitalize
off of marketing techniques to understand the audiences’ desires, and then
creating a campaign utilizing this market research, the “Recycle More”
initiative has failed to create a brand for itself that resonates with Boston
residents. The city’s campaign relies on the fact that providing residents with
the single-stream carts, and information about how to partake in the program
would change people’s behaviors, and it fails to harness the technique of branding
that would compel residents to engage with the initiative. As Evans and Hastings
describe in Public Health Branding:
Applying Marketing for Social Change, a brand is an identity label that
conveys a message – an ideal -- to society (10). According to Evans and
Hasting, those who associate themselves with the brand aspire to take on and be
part of the ideal, and in turn the brand fulfills the consumer’s aspiration. In
this way, the brand is very much a social contract. Imagery is central to
perpetuating the brand, including the use of a distinct logo, symbol, image and
slogan that is easily recognized and associated with the brand’s ideal (11). From
a distinct brand comes action – in this case actively recycling– enabling the
consumer to fulfill the “contract” and achieve his or her aspirations. Boston’s
“Recycle More” campaign has failed to deliver a clear brand image that would
convey residents’ values and aspirations. The slogan “Recycle More” and the accompanying
image and logo branded on the side of recycling trucks represents the public
health and local government’s ideal, rather than that of the general
population. Relying on informational pamphlets and the distribution of the
single-stream receptacles, rather than employing a strong marketing strategy
has proven to be unsuccessful in creating large scale behavior changes.
INVOKES PSYCHOLOGICAL REACTANCE
A critical flaw of the “Recycle
More” campaign is its repeated invoking of psychological reactance. According
to Jack Brehm, the psychologist who developed the theory, psychological
reactance “is conceived as a motivational state directed toward the
reestablishment of the free behaviors that have been eliminated or threated
with elimination. Generally, then, a person who experiences reactance will be
motivated to attempt to regain the loss of threatened freedoms of whatever
methods are available and appropriate” (12). Essentially, when someone is told
what to do, that person’s freedoms are being restricted, and according to Brehm,
the natural response is not comply so
that the individual can maintain a sense of control. Sharon Brehm and Marsha
Weintraub demonstrated this innate human response in a study with young
children. In the study, two-year-old children were brought into a room full of
toys. Some of the toys were made inaccessible by a barrier, and some toys were
easily accessible. Even though the children could freely access some of the
toys, they were drawn to the toys behind the barrier, demonstrating an attempt
to assert their control (13).
Applying Brehm’s work to Boston’s
recycling program, psychological reactance is very much at play in the “Recycle
More” campaign. The very name of the campaign itself – “Recycle More” – gives
an order to residents. In materials provided to residents, including pamphlets,
PSA videos and information listed on the city’s website, the information is
presented in the form of commands, with strong direction words such as
“required”, “must”, “prohibited.” While some of this information, such as what
can go into the recycling system and what cannot, is indeed helpful and even necessary
to convey, all of the information provided is in a very instructional,
authoritative manner that induces psychological reactance. Applying Brehm’s
work on psychological reactance, the city of Boston’s approach to recycling is
concerning because rather than persuading individuals to recycle, the messaging
is doing just the opposite. Instructing individuals to discard their wastes in
a certain manner restricts individuals’ freedoms and achieves the opposite
effect.
PROPOSED INTERVENTION
In order to effectively increase
recycling rates among Boston residents, I propose a revised intervention and
campaign that would counter the three major limitations stated above. This
campaign consists of three main components: first, I would mandate city-wide
recycling and levy a fine for residents who do not comply in order to catapult
a change in social norms. Second, I would conduct market research to determine the
overarching desires and needs of Boston residents in order to create a
marketing and advertising campaign that meets those desires and compels
residents to engage with the program. In my research, I would investigate the
different demographics and sub-populations within Boston – such as college
students, for example – in order to determine if and how these populations
might differ. This would enable me to create a campaign tailored to different
demographics, if in fact the core values differ. From this market research, I
would launch a marketing and advertising campaign across different mediums to
bolster the recycling initiative. Finally, I would use framing techniques so
that all messaging – whether from a press release, online content, or ad
campaign is conveyed in a manner that will satisfy Bostonian’s core values.
INTERVENTION COMPONENT 1: UTILIZATION OF SOCIAL
NORMS THEORY
A core component of my improved
recycling initiative for the city of Boston would be to mandate city-wide
recycling and levy a fine on any residents or business who are out of
compliance with the regulation. The fines would be applied to those who either
fail to separate out their recyclables from their trash wastes, or who place
trash wastes in the recycling receptacles. Prior to being fined, residents and
businesses would receive a warning from the city. Recycling and trash
collectors would be able to report particular residents and business who
repeatedly and in excess violate the recycling ordinance.
One
reason to institute a recycling mandate with fines for non-compliance is purely
practice. Failing to comply with the recycling protocols is very for the city
as additional resources are needed for sorting (14). However, instituting a
fine has another effect in how it changes behavior: it changes social norms.
According to the Social Norms Theory, also known as the Social Expectations
Theory, change can be created on a massive scale by simply changing social
norms. Rather than focusing on individual attitudes, this model changes
behavior on a very large scale at the group level. According to Melvin DeFleur
and Sandra Ball-Rokeach in Theories of
Mass Communication, behavior is shaped directly by the rules of social
conduct – often conveyed by the media – recalled by an individual (15). Social
expectations theory, then “provides an accounting of social action that is not
depended upon cognitive forces and factors that shape and control human
behavior,” DeFleur and Ball-Rokeach write (15).
This
approach stands in contrast to the Health Belief Model, which cannot account
for group-level behavior. According to the Health Belief Model, Boston
residents should be regularly recycling once barriers are reduced (ie
single-stream bins are provided) and perceived benefits are increased (ie
information distributed on the benefits of recycling). Based on Boston’s dismal
recycling rates, the Health Belief Model has not been a successful model to base
a recycling intervention. Whereas the Health Belief model aims to change
attitude in order to change behavior, the Social Norms Theory posits that changing
behavior can then change attitude. If recycling becomes a “social norm,” according
to the Social Norms Theory, Boston residents will recycle. Mandating recycling
and fining people for not complying does just that – it signals to the
population that recycling is the
norm. As this norm is established, the group’s actions will follow in
compliance with the norm. Prior attitudes are irrelevant. San Francisco is a
good demonstration of the Social Norms Theory at play. Recycling and composting
became compulsory in 2009, the same year that “Recycle More” came into effect. In
October of 2012, the mayor of San Francisco announced that 80 of the city’s
wastes are now diverted to recycling and composting programs (16). A similar
policy change in Boston that leverages the Social Norms Theory also has the
potential to dramatically change group-level behavior.
INTERVENTION COMPONENT 2: UTILIZATION OF
MARKETING AND ADVERTISING THEORY
In order to increase recycling
compliance in Boston, I would determine (perhaps through survey or
collaboration with the Boston Waste Reduction Division) which specific
sub-populations or geographic regions in Boston were recycling and to what extent,
so that I could more effectively establish which populations need to be
targeted for increased compliance. Then I would launch a thorough market
research effort to create detailed profiles on who my “customers” were. Through
this marketing research, which might take the form of focus groups or surveys
and questionnaires, I would determine: What does this group of Bostonians value
most? What do they need, want and aspire to? How do they view Boston? What are
their opinions on the environment and environmental conservation? What do they prize
most about Boston or being a Boston resident? Being a diverse city I would create
profiles of different demographics of typical Boston residents. I would also
give strong attention to the student population in Boston. Though there are so
many students in Boston who are not permanent residents, they are an integral
group that would contribute to the success—or failure– of a recycling program.
Despite their impermanent status, they should not be overlooked.
After conducting thorough market
research, I would design and implement a recycling campaign that speaks to the core
values articulated by the audience. I would visually demonstrate the core
values articulated through branding. I would not create the brand for the
campaign—the logo, campaign title, image, symbols – until this market research
had been conducted so I was sure to reach the target demographic and hit their
core values. Once I create the campaign’s brand, I would employ advertising
theory—providing a promise and supporting it visually along with other mediums—in
disseminating the brand and the brand’s message on a massive scale. By understanding
and capturing the values of the target population, I will be able to create a
product (ie a recycling campaign) that will meet that population’s desires.
Other public health campaigns have
successfully used marketing and advertising to change behavior, and the learnings
from these campaigns have influenced my initiative. When Texan public health
officials who were attempting to address highway littering experienced
resistance from men between 18 and 24 who resented government interference,
officials successfully launched a campaign by specifically targeting this
demographic and speaking to their particular interests and values (17). Using
popular Texan celebrities as spokespeople, officials marketed the “Don’t Mess
With Texas” campaign with a “tough-talking slogan that would also address the
unique spirit of Texas pride” (18). The slogan, the logo and the accompanying
imagery was created in a manner that those most resistant to behavior-change
could embrace and integrate as part of their own image. This strategy was
effective in reducing visible roadside litter by 72 percent because officials conducted
research to know who they needed to target and how they could reach that
population (18).
In
“The strategy behind Florida’s ‘truth’ campaign,” Hicks describes how a
statewide campaign based on youth-marketing and branding significantly reduced
youth smoking rates, from 18.5% to 11.1% among middle school students and from
27.4% to 22.6% among high school students in a two-year period (19). Central to
the success of the campaign was the use of modern marketing tools, media buys on
the open market, youth involvement in the feedback and creative process, and effective
branding (20). “Knowledge was not the problem… We learned that a youth’s reason
for using tobacco had everything to do with emotion and nothing to do with
rational decision making. Tobacco was a significant, visible, and readily
available way for youth to signal that they were in control… [So] Attacking the
duplicity and manipulation of the tobacco industry became ‘truth’s’ rebellion,”
Hicks writes. The Truth and “Don’t Mess With Texas” campaigns exemplify that knowledge
is not enough to change behavior – in the same way that providing Boston
residents with single-stream recycling bins and information on recycling is not
enough to change behavior. A thoroughly researched marketing strategy that will
target the aspirations of the audience is key component to achieve the desired
behavior change.
INTERVENTION COMPONENT 3: LIMITING
PSYCHOLOGICAL REACTANCE BY FRAMING
In launching an improved recycling
campaign in Boston, I would pay critical attention to the way in which the
campaign is described and discussed by city officials, public health
practitioners, and in the media in order to prevent psychological reactance
from the target population. As discussed above, psychological reactance occurs
when a person’s freedoms or control is some way limited, and the individual
responds by doing the opposite of what was commanded of them, rather than
heeding, in order to maintain personal control. The current “Recycle More”
campaign is rife with psychological reactants, as it is premised on the local
government instructing residents on how they should act. There are, however,
methods to deflect and limit psychological reactance. Paul Silvia, for example,
describes his two experimental studies in “Deflecting Reactance: The Role of
Similarity in Increasing Compliance and Reducing Resistance” which show that when
the recipient of a message recognizes similarity from the person giving the
message, the message is more persuasive (21). Kevin Hogan, in his book Covert Persuasion: Psychological Tactics and
Tricks to Win the Game, further points out that individuals will quickly
agree with their current point of view, so in order to get an individual to act
the way you would like him or her to, “always discover current beliefs and
attitudes so you can affirm them in some way” (22). While this may seem
counter-intuitive, to reduce psychological reactance, the target audience’s core
beliefs should be reinforced, rather than conflicted.
Hogan’s and Silvia’s insights will
inform Boston’s improved recycling campaign. In order to reduce psychological
reactance, I will utilize the findings from the above discussed market research
to determine the core values of the target population, and our campaign’s
marketing and communications will reinforce those values by re-framing the act
of recycling. For example, if “family” is found to be a major core value among
the target population, I will employ visuals in the marketing and specific
language in the recycling campaign that will highlight how recycling will
promote and enhance the value of family. If among college students, a key value
is determined to be “fun/pleasure,” I would showcase how by recycling, streets
and apartments are kept clean, enabling students to have more fun and enjoy the
city of Boston. Based on Silvia’s findings on the role of similarity in
reducing reactance, I would rely on visuals invoking familiarity, such as
quintessential Boston images. In an advertising campaign, I would use “spokespeople”
to convey the message who are similar to the target audience (for example students
giving the message to other students), and I would use different spokespeople
to target different demographics. Using these techniques will effectively limit
reactance and thus limit a barrier to getting people to change their actions.
CONCLUSION
The
current “Recycle More” campaign that was launched in 2009 to increase recycling
compliance rests on the premise that if the residential recycling process is
simplified into a single-stream system, then residents will comply. Current residential
rates of recycling show that this premise, rooted in the Health Belief Model,
is ineffective. An effective intervention is one that will utilize policy tools
to change social norms, in conjunction with effective marketing, advertising,
and reactance-reducing techniques that are rooted in an understanding of the
target audience’s values. With these tools, there is substantial opportunity to
affect the population’s behavior on disposal of recyclable goods.
REFERENCES
(1) The
United States Environmental Protection Agency. Municipal Solid Waste.
Washington, DC: Environmental Protection Agency.
http://www.epa.gov/epawaste/nonhaz/municipal/index.htm.
(2) The
United States Environmental Protection Agency. Municipal Solid Waste.
Washington, DC: Environmental Protection Agency.
http://www.epa.gov/epawaste/nonhaz/municipal/index.htm.
(3) The
United States Environmental Protection Agency. Recycling Basics. Washington,
DC: Environmental Protection Agency. http://epa.gov/recycle/recycle.html.
(4) Maxwell
N. Understanding the World We Live In.
Sudbury, MA: Jones and Bartlett Publishers, 2009.
(5) Massachusetts
Department of Environmental Protection. Massachusetts Municipal Residential
Recycling Rates Fiscal Years 1997-2001 and Calendar Years 2002-2008. Boston,
MA: MassDEP. http://www.mass.gov/dep/recycle/priorities/munirate.pdf.
(6) City of
Boston. Mayor Menino Announces Citywide Single-Stream Recycling. Boston, MA:
City of Boston. http://www.cityofboston.gov/news/default.aspx?id=4250.
(7) Abel D.
Despite Gains, City Lags in Recycling. Boston,
MA: Boston.com.
http://www.boston.com/news/local/massachusetts/articles/2012/06/19/boston_lags_behind_other_cities_as_it_promotes_recycling/
(8) Marks
D. Health Psychology in Context. Journal
of Health Psychology 1996 1:7-21.
(9) City of
Boston. Citywide Single Stream Recycling Announcement. Boston, MA: City of
Boston. http://www.cityofboston.gov/cable/video_library.asp?id=1310.
(10) Evans
W ed., Hastings G ed. Public Health
Branding: Applying Marketing for Social Change. New York, NY: Oxford
University Press, 2008.
(11)Evans
W, Hastings G. Public Health Branding:
Applying Marketing for Social Change. New York, NY: Oxford University
Press, 2008.
(12)Brehm
J. A Theory of Psychological Reactance. In: Burke W ed., Lake D ed., and Paine
J ed. Organization Change: A
comprehensive Reader. San Francisco, CA: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2009.
(13) Brehm
S, Weintraub M. Physical barriers and psychological reactance: 2-yr-olds'
responses to threats to freedom. Journal
of Personality and Social Psychology 1977; 35: 830-836.
(14) The
United States Environmental Protection Agency. Collection Costs. Washington,
DC: Environmental Protection Agency.
http://www.epa.gov/osw/conserve/tools/localgov/economics/collection.htm
(15) DeFleur
ML, Ball-Rokeach SJ. Socialization and Theories of Indirect Influence (pp.
202-227). In: DeFleur ML, Ball-Rokeach SJ.
Theories of Mass Communication. White Plains, NY: Longman Inc., 1989.
(16) SFEnvironment.org.
Mayor Lee Announces San Francisco Reaches 80 Percent Landfill Waste Diversion,
Leads All Cities in North America. San Francisco, CA: Mayor’s Office of
Communication, 2012.
http://sfenvironment.org/news/press-release/mayor-lee-announces-san-francisco-reaches-80-percent-landfill-waste-diversion-leads-all-cities-in-north-america.
(17)
Thaler RH, Sunstein CR. Following the herd (pp. 52-71). In: Thaler RH, Sunstein
CR. Nudge: Improving Decisions About
Health, Wealth, and Happiness. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2008.
(18) Thaler
RH, Sunstein CR. Following the herd (pp. 52-71). In: Thaler RH, Sunstein CR. Nudge: Improving Decisions About Health,
Wealth, and Happiness. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2008.
(19) Hicks
JJ. The strategy behind Florida’s “truth campaign. Tobacco Control 2001;
10:3-5.
(20) Hicks JJ. The strategy behind Florida’s “truth campaign. Tobacco Control 2001; 10:3-5.
(20) Hicks JJ. The strategy behind Florida’s “truth campaign. Tobacco Control 2001; 10:3-5.
(21) Silvia
PJ. Deflecting Reactance: The role of similarity in increasing compliance and reducing
resistance. Basic and Applied Social
Psychology 2005; 27:277-284.
(22) Hogan
K. Covert Persuasion: Psychological
Tactics and Tricks to Win the Game. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons,
Inc., 2006.
0 Comments:
Post a Comment
Subscribe to Post Comments [Atom]
<< Home